இயேசு பற்றி வரலாற்று குறிப்புகள் எல்லாம் போர்சரி- பகுத்தறிவு விக்கி கூறும் உண்மைகள்
http://rationalwiki.org/wiki/Evidence_for_the_historical_existence_of_Jesus_Christ
Antiquities of the Jews begins “In the beginning God created the heaven and the earth,” and arduously parallels the Old Testament up to the time when Josephus is able to add equally tedious historical recountings of Jewish life during the early Roman period. In Book 18, Chapter 3, this paragraph is encountered (Whiston’s translation):
Now, there was about this time, Jesus, a wise man, if it be lawful to call him a man, for he was a doer of wonderful works — a teacher of such men as receive the truth with pleasure. He drew over him both many of the Jews, and many of the Gentiles. He was [the] Christ; and when Pilate, at the suggestion of the principal man amongst us, had condemned him to the cross, those that loved him at the first did not forsake him, for he appeared to them alive again the third day, as the divine prophets had foretold these and ten thousand other wonderful things concerning him; and the tribe of Christians, so named from him, are not extinct to this day. |
This truly appears to give historical confirmation for the existence of Jesus. But is it authentic? Most scholars admit that at least some parts, if not all, of this paragraph cannot be authentic,[135] even the Catholic Encyclopedia concurring.[136] Many are convinced that the entire paragraph is a forgery, an interpolation inserted by Christians at a later time.[137][138]. Even Christian scholars consider the paragraph to be an overenthusiastic forgery.[139][140][141] (
( “Flavius Josephus.” Catholic Encyclopedia. “Attempts have been made to refute the objections brought against this passage both for internal and external reasons, but the difficulty has not been definitively settled. The passage seems to suffer from repeated interpolations.”)
- The first thing one notices about this paragraph is how many people do not mention it even when it would have served their intentions: Justin Martyr (c100 – c165), Theophilus (d. 180), Irenaeus (c120 – c203), Clement of Alexandria (c150-c215), Origen (c185-c254), Hippolytus (c170 – c235), Minucius Felix (d. c250), Anatolius (230-280), Chrysostom (c347-407), Methodius (9th century), and Photius (c820-891) make no mention of the Testimonium Flavianum even when it would have been in their best interests to do so.
- The paragraph does not appear at all until the beginning of the fourth century, at the time of Constantine, who was eager to demolish Gnostic Christianity and replace it with literalistic Christianity. Bishop Eusebius, a close ally of the emperor, was instrumental in crystallizing and defining the version of Christianity that was to become orthodox, and he is the first person known to have quoted this paragraph of Josephus. Eusebius once wrote that it was permissible “medicine” for historians to create fictions[142] — prompting historian Jacob Burckhardt to call Eusebius “the first thoroughly dishonest historian of antiquity.” Many scholars believe Eusebius was the source of the paragraph on Jesus.
- Josephus would not have called Jesus “the Christ” or “the truth.” Whoever wrote these phrases was a believing Christian. Josephus was a messianic Jew, and if he truly believed Jesus was the long-awaited messiah (Christ), he certainly would have given more than a passing reference to him. Josephus never converted to Christianity. Origen reported that Josephus was “not believing in Jesus as Christ.”
- The Greek word used in the passage for Christ is χριστος which does appear in the Old Testament…the problem is that appears to mean ointment rather than anointed one. Which would leave the poor Roman reading this scratching their head in befuddlement.[143]
- The passage is out of context. Book 18 (“Containing the interval of 32 years from the banishment of Archelus to the departure from Babylon”) starts with the Roman taxation under Cyrenius in 6 CE and discusses various Jewish sects at the time, including the Essenes and a sect of Judas the Galilean, to which he devotes three times more space than to Jesus; Herod’s building of various cities, the succession of priests and procurators, and so on. Chapter 3 starts with sedition against Pilate, who planned to slaughter all the Jews but changed his mind. Pilate then used sacred money to supply water to Jerusalem. The Jews protested; Pilate sent spies into Jewish ranks with concealed weapons, and there was a great massacre. Then in the middle of all these troubles comes the curiously quiet paragraph about Jesus, followed immediately by: “And about the same time another terrible misfortune confounded the Jews …” Josephus would not have thought the Christian story to be “another terrible misfortune.” It is only a Christian (someone like Eusebius) who might have considered Jesus to be a Jewish tragedy. Paragraph three can be lifted out of the text with no damage to the chapter; in fact, it flows better without it.
- There was no “tribe of Christians” during Josephus’ time; Christianity did not get off the ground until the second century.
- Josephus appears not to know anything else about the Jesus outside of this tiny paragraph and an indirect reference concerning James, the “brother of Jesus” (see below). He does not refer to the gospels now known as Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John, or to the writing or activities of Paul, though if these stories were in circulation at that time he ought to have known about them and used them as sources. Like the writings of Paul, Josephus’ account is silent about the teachings or miracle of Jesus, although he reports the antics of other prophets in great detail. He relates much more about John the Baptist. He lists the activities of many other self-proclaimed messiahs, such as Simon of Peraea (d 4 BCE)[144][145], Athronges (c 3 CE)[146], Judas of Galilee (6 CE)[147], Theudas the magician (between 44 and 46 CE)[148], Egyptian Jew Messiah (between 52 and 58 CE)[149][150], Menahem ben Judah (sometime between 66-73 CE), and John of Giscala (d c70 CE) [151], many of whom get greater detail than the passages regarding Jesus. He makes no mention of the earthquake or eclipse at the crucifixion, which would have been universally known in that area if they had truly happened. He adds nothing to the Gospel’s narratives and says nothing that would not have been believed by Christians already, whether in the first or fourth century.
- The paragraph mentions that the “divine prophets” foretold the life of Jesus, but Josephus neglects to mention who these prophets were or what they said. In no other place does Josephus connect any Hebrew prediction with the life of Jesus.
- The hyperbolic language of the paragraph is uncharacteristic of a careful historian: “… as the divine prophets had foretold these and ten thousand other wonderful things concerning him …” This sounds more like sectarian propaganda — in other words, more like the New Testament — than objective reporting. It is very unlike Josephus.
- Josephus was in Rome from 64 to 66 CE to petition emperor Nero for the release of some Jewish priest that Gessius Florus sent there in chains.[152] Josephus makes no mention of the further misfortune of Jesus’ followers that Tacitus and Suetonius record. If the Testimonium Flavianum was genuine in any way Josephus certainly have mentioned the further misfortune of Jesus followers under Nero since he was right there in Rome for two years when it was supposedly going on. So either the Testimonium Flavianum is a fake or the Tacitus and Suetonius accounts repeating are urban myth–both sets of accounts cannot be true.
There are actually not one but two references in Josephus. The latter is lesser known and cites James the brother of Jesus:
Festus was now dead, and Albinus was put upon the road; so he [Ananus, the Jewish high priest] assembled the sanhedrin of judges, and brought before them the brother of Jesus, him called Christ, whose name was James, and some others. And when he had formed an accusation against them as breakers of the law, he delivered them to be stoned: but as for those who seemed the most equitable of the citizens, and such as were the most uneasy at the breach of the laws, they disliked what was done; they also sent to the king, desiring him to send to Ananus that he should act so no more, for that what he had already done was not to be justified; nay, some of them went also to meet Albinus, as he was upon his journey from Alexandria, and informed him that it was not lawful for Ananus to assemble a sanhedrin without his consent. Whereupon Albinus complied with what they said, and wrote in anger to Ananus, and threatened that he would bring him to punishment for what he had done; on which king Agrippa took the high priesthood from him, when he had ruled but three months, and made Jesus, the son of Damneus, high priest. |
Though there are good reasons to think this too is not Josephus’ original text:
- Josephus was writing for a Roman audience. A Roman audience would not have been familiar with Jewish beliefs concerning the Messiah. Indeed, they probably wouldn’t even have known what the word “Christ” meant other then “the wetted” or perhaps “the greased“.[153]
- The original Greek wording of the passage itself is extremely similar to Matthew 1:16.
- After reading the rest of the text of this passage we find that the Jews were so angry about the stoning of James that they they demanded that King Agrippa fire Ananus. Why would the Jews be angered over the killing of a Christian, since Christians were seen as heathens by the Jews?
- The end of the paragraph seems to identify the Jesus described within as Jesus the son of Damneus, and clearly states that this Jesus was made high priest by Agrippa.
- In Against Celsus 1.47, Origen states “this writer” (Josephus) … “in seeking after the cause of the fall of Jerusalem and the destruction of the temple” … “says nevertheless” … “that these disasters happened to the Jews as a punishment for the death of James the Just, who was a brother of Jesus (called Christ)”. This point is repeated in Against Celsus2.13 where Origen states “But at that time there were no armies around Jerusalem, encompassing and enclosing and besieging it; for the siege began in the reign of Nero, and lasted till the government of Vespasian, whose son Titus destroyed Jerusalem, on account, as Josephus says, of James the Just, the brother of Jesus who was called Christ, but in reality, as the truth makes dear, on account of Jesus Christ the Son of God.” Note that the Josephus passage above does NOT connect the death of this James with the destruction of Jerusalem, the Temple, or any other disaster despite Origen stating twice that the passage he is referring to does.
- Finally, and most importantly the James of Josephus died c. 62 CE by just stoning while Hegesippus, Clement of Alexandria, Eusebius of Caesarea, and Early Christian tradition all had James the Just dying c. 70 CE by being thrown from a battlement, stoned, and finally clubbed to death by passing laundrymen.[154] In fact, Eusebius of Caesarea in hisChurch History, Book III, ch. 11 clearly writes “After the martyrdom of James and the conquest of Jerusalem which immediately followed…” but there are seven years and four High Priests[155] between these two events if the Josephus passage is genuine so either we have one of the wonkiest definition of “immediately followed” in the history of the world or these are two different James and the passage was added to make the connection. The later interpretation is supported by Rufinus of Aquileia in the 4th century who states James the Lord’s brother was informed of the death of Peter (64 CE or 67 CE ie after the James in Josephus was dead and gone).[156]
The “him called Christ” makes most sense as a margin note by a later scribe copying the text, inserted by error in a paragraph about Jesus son of Damneus.[157]
Drews in The Witness To The Historicity of Jesus stated that, even if the passage was entirely genuine, “brother” could have just meant the James being referred to belonged to a sect that venerated a Messiah called Jesus.[158] Furthermore since “christ” means the same in Greek that “messiah” does in Hebrew (“the anointed one”) it could be used in reference to the anointment of Jesus, son of Damneus as high priest.
However, Drews also stated “in the sixteenth century Vossius had a manuscript of the text of Josephus in which there was not a word about Jesus“[159] which taken literally means as late as 1600 there was a Josephus manuscript with NO reference to Jesus anywhere in it.
Literary critic Harold Bloom has suggested that in light of many other cases of Josephus falsifying evidence in his works, Josephus is motivated entirely by his own politics, and admires Jesus on account of the political actions of his followers, James and John the Baptist (who he admires for their resistance of the rise Pharisaic Judaism) but may have had no first-hand knowledge of Jesus himself.
Pliny the Younger
Pliny the Younger was a Roman official born in 62 CE. In one letter c. 106 CE he said “Christians were singing a hymn to Christ as to a god …” That is all. In all of Pliny’s writings, we find one small tangential reference, and not even to Christ, but to Christians. Again, notice, the absence of the name Jesus. This could have referred to any of the other “christs”[160] who were being followed by some Jews who thought they had found the messiah.
Pliny’s report is only of what other people believed. Even if this sentence does refer to a group who followed Jesus it is not particularly enlightening as no one denies that Christianity was in existence at that time. Pliny’s report might be useful in documenting the religion, but not the historic Jesus.
[edit]Tacitus
Tacitus was born in 64 C.E, well after the death of Jesus. He gives a brief mention of a “Chrestus” in his Annals (Book XV, Sec. 44), which he wrote around 109 CE. He gives no source for his material. He says:
“”Nero looked around for a scapegoat, and inflicted the most fiendish tortures on a group of persons already hated for their crimes. This was the sect known as Christians. Their founder, one Chrestus, had been put to death by the procurator, Pontius Pilate in the reign of Tiberius. This checked the abominable superstition for a while, but it broke out again and spread, not merely through Judea, where it originated, but even to Rome itself, the great reservoir and collecting ground for every kind of depravity and filth. Those who confessed to being Christians were at once arrested, but on their testimony a great crowd of people were convicted, not so much on the charge of arson, but of hatred of the entire human race. |
Tacitus depicts early Christians as “hated for their crimes” and associated with “depravity and filth.” This is not a flattering picture, so is less likely to be Christian propaganda. Tacitus claims no first-hand knowledge of Christianity, but is merely repeating the then common ideas about Christians.
There is no other historical confirmation that Nero persecuted Christians. In fact, Josephus and Pliny the Elder who were both in Rome in 64 CE don’t mention Christians at all which would be impossible if Nero was trying to blame them for the fire. Historians generally agree that Nero did not burn Rome, so Tacitus is in error to suggest that he would have needed to blame Christians in the first place.
A more serious problem is that no one in the second century ever quoted this passage of Tacitus, and in fact it appears almost word-for-word in the writings in someone else, Sulpicius Severus, in the fourth century, where it is mixed in with other myths.
If the passage was genuine it appears that at best Tacitus was repeating an urban myth. The passage is therefore highly suspect and adds virtually no evidence even for early Christianity.
[edit]Tampering of the Tacitus source
The surviving copies of Tacitus’ works derive from two principal manuscripts, known as the Medicean manuscripts, which are held in the Laurentian Library in Florence, Italy, and written inLatin. The second Medicean manuscript is the oldest surviving copy of the passage describing “Christians.” In this manuscript, the first ‘i’ of the Christianos is quite distinct in appearance from the second, looking somewhat smudged, and lacking the long tail of the second ‘i’; additionally, there is a large gap between the first ‘i’ and the subsequent ‘long s’. Latin scholar Georg Andresen was one of the first to comment on the appearance of the first ‘i’ and subsequent gap, suggesting in 1902 that the text had been altered, and an ‘e’ had originally been in the text, rather than this ‘i’.
In 1950, at historian Harald Fuchs’ request, Dr. Teresa Lodi, the director of the Laurentian Library, examined the features of this item of the manuscript; she concluded that there are still signs of an ‘e’ being erased, by removal of the upper and lower horizontal portions, and distortion of the remainder into an ‘i’. In 2008, Dr. Ida Giovanna Rao, the new head of the Laurentian Library’s manuscript office, repeated Lodi’s study, and concluded that it is likely that the ‘i’ is a correction of some earlier character (like an e), the change being made an extremely subtle one. Later the same year, it was discovered that under ultraviolet light, an ‘e’ is clearly visible in the space, meaning that the passage must originally have referred to chrestianos, a Latinized Greek word which could be interpreted as the good, after the Greek word χρηστός (chrestos), meaning “good, useful”, rather than strictly a follower of “Christ”.
ஜோசபஸ் இயேசு கிறிஸ்து வசனங்கள் கிறிஸ்துவ போர்ஜரி இடைசெருகல்கள்
ஜோசஃபஸ் கூற்றுகளின் மொழியாக்கம்
Now there was about this time Jesus, a wise man, if it be lawful to call him a man; for he was a doer of wonderful works, a teacher of such men as receive the truth with pleasure. He drew over to him both many of the Jews and many of the Gentiles. He was [the] Christ. And when Pilate, at the suggestion of the principal men amongst us, had condemned him to the cross, (9) those that loved him at the first did not forsake him; for he appeared to them alive again the third day; (10) as the divine prophets had foretold these and ten thousand other wonderful things concerning him. And the tribe of Christians, so named from him, are not extinct at this day.
பிலாத்துவின் காலத்தில் இயேசு என்ற அறிவாளி(மனிதர் என அழைப்பதில் தயக்கம் இருப்பதாக ஜோசஃபஸ் குறிப்பிடுகிறார்),போதகர் பல யூதர்களுக்கும், பிறருக்கும் உண்மைகளை போதித்து வந்தார் .பிலாத்து யூத பாதிரிமார்கள் குற்றச்சாட்டுகளின் பேரில் சிலுவையில் அறைய செய்தான் என்று குறிப்பிடுகிறார்.அவர் வணங்கியவர்களுக்கு பழைய உடம்பில் உயிரிடன் தெரிந்ததாகவும்,அவரை வணங்குபவர்கள்,கிறிஸ்தவர்கள் என
அழைக்கப் பட்டார்கள் .
*************
ஜோசஃபஸின் புத்தகத்தில் பல இடைசெருகல்கள்(பிற்கால கிறிஸ்தவர்களால்) செய்யப்பட்ட து என நடுநிலையாளர் தெளிவாக ஆதாரத்தோடு சுட்டினர்.
யோசிபஸ் ஏடுகள் எல்லாமே பிற்காலத்தியவை எனத் தெளிவாக காட்டியும், கிறிஸ்துவ மழுப்பலாளர்கள் ஏற்க இயலா வாதங்கள் வைத்து அது ஏதோ ஏற்கத் தக்கது எனக் கதை பரப்புகின்றனர்.
A Narrative Anomaly in Josephus: Jewish Antiquities xviii:63
Dr. Paul J. Hopper -professor of Humanities at Carnegie Mellon University,
Paul Mellon Distinguished Professor of the Humanities, Rhetoric and Linguistics, Department of English
மொழியியல் ரீதியில் அமைப்பியல் ஆய்வுகள் மூலமாய் அமெரிக்காவின் கார்னெகி மெல்லான் பல்கலைக் கழக பேராசிரியர் முனைவர். பால் ஹார்ப்பர் எழுதிய கட்டுரையின் இணைப்பும் முக்கிய பாகங்களும்Dr.Hopper’s linguistic analysis of the TF in his article “A Narrative Anomaly in Josephus” is definitive and adds significantly to the numerous other arguments against the passage’s authenticity evinced over the centuries.
In this regard, Hopper comments:
http://www.academia.edu/9494231/A_Narrative_Anomaly_in_Josephus
It is suggested that the Jesus passage is close in style and content to the creeds that were composed two to three centuries after Josephus.
He further explains:
The Testimonium itself is, when compared to the surrounding episodes, unusually short. Its very brevity is a suspicious feature, one that has led some defenders of its authenticity to suggest that while parts of the text are genuinely Josephan, the text has been tampered with by later Christians wanting to erase scandalous content.… In fact, however, the syntax of the Testimonium does not display the kinds of discontinuities we might expect to find if substantial changes such as major deletions or insertions had been made.
Here the linguist states that the syntax or arrangement of words and phrases of the TF shows no sign of either removals or insertions, the former put forth to explain the TF’s brevity and the latter as in the partial interpolation theory.
After discussing the history of TF criticism, Hopper concludes:
There is, then, reason to suspect that the Jesus episode is a later insertion, dating from more than two hundred years after Josephus’s death, and probably absent from most manuscripts of theJewish Antiquitiesuntil even later.
The Testimonium’s syntax and morphology indicate it was written as an apology or profession of faith, rather than a historical report. The passage seems to be addressing criticisms, as if written for those who had challenged Christian doctrine at some point after the religion had been established. Its structure reflects protest, and “Methinks it doth protest too much.”
The problems with the TF, therefore, go beyond a few Christian-sounding interpolations and extend to the syntax of the sentences themselves. To wit, they are composed not in typical narrative styles, but resemble more closely the writings of early Church fathers and apologists of succeeding centuries.
As concerns plot, the TF as a whole represents a summary of the gospel story, as recounted in the New Testament, not drawn from separate historical reports or oral history. As Hopper remarks:
…it is from the Gospels, and the Gospels alone, that the Jesus Christ narrative in theTestimonium draws its coherence and its legitimacy as a plot, and perhaps even some of its language. It is not just that the Christian origin of the Testimonium is betrayed by its allegiance to the Gospels, as that without the Gospels the passage is incomprehensible. … the Testimoniumdoes not so much narrate to first century Romans new events, but rather reminds third century Christians of events already familiar to them.
The evident Christian context of the TF speaks also to genre or category of subject matter, likewise examined by Hopper, who states:
The Testimonium is anchored in a radically different discourse community from that of the rest of the Jewish Antiquities. TheTestimonium reads more like a position paper, a party manifesto, than a narrative….
Again, the Testimonium Flavianum as a whole sounds like a Christian “political statement,” creed or profession of faith, precisely as so many have averred in the past.
Hopper next says that the “closest generic match for theTestimonium is perhaps the various creeds that began to be formulated in the early fourth century, such as the Nicene Creed (325 CE).”
Hopper’s linguistic analysis is yet another nail in the Testimonium coffin and should convince fence-sitters, although Christian apologists likely will never relinquish this “best evidence” because without it their claims to historicity are threadbare indeed.
In conclusion, Hopper states:
The narrative grammar of theTestimoniumFlavianum sets it sharply apart from Josephus’s other stories of the procuratorship of Pontius Pilate. The most likely explanation is thatthe entire passage is interpolated, presumably by Christians...
In the end, it can be argued convincingly that the Testimonium Flavianum as a whole is a forgery and therefore does not provide evidence for a historical Jesus of Nazareth crucified during the reign of Pontius Pilate.
A longer and more in-depth analysis of Paul J. Hopper’s work on the Testimonium Flavianum can be found at “Josephus’s Testimonium Flavianum Examined Linguistically: Greek Analysis Demonstrates the Passage a Forgery In Toto.” See also “Jesus passage in Josephus a forgery.”
யோசிபஸ் இயேசு பற்றி உள்ள வசனங்கள் போர்ஜரி
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